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Copy 1 SPEECH 



HON. GODLOVE S. ORTH, OF IND., 



RESOLUTION TO EXPEL MR. LONG. 



DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, APRIL 14, 1864, 



Mr. ORTH, rose and addressed the House as follows: 

Mr. Speaker: It was not my intention, until after I heard the remarks of ray colleague 
from theTerre Haute district, [^^r. Voorheks] to take any part in the disscussion upon 
the resolution now under consideration. As one of the new members of this House I 
have felt at least a becoming modesty in being a silent participator in our proceedings • 
but there are times when silence would be criminal. I have the honor in representing' 
in part, a State that has felt a peculiar interest in this war, and which has responded 
with alacrity to every demand which has been made upon her "patriotisoi. For years 
Indiana has been compelled to submit to a, slanderous charge brouglit alj.ainst her brave 
soldiers for alleged misconduct upon the bloody field of Buena Vista. That charge ori- 
ginated with the chief of traitors, Jeff. Davis; and when this rebellion was inaugurated 
by him and his co-conspirators, the people of Indiana, in addition to their devotion to 
our Government, and #ieir desire to maintain its integrity and supremacy, felt that now 
the hour had come when she could vindicate her fair fame, and wipe out in blood the 
foul slander which had thus been attempted to be fastened upon her. 

What son of Indiana, proud of her prestige and liigh destiny, will ever forget the scene 
witnessed by tho'usands of our people, when the gallant eleventh regiment, uader com- 
jnaud of Colonel (now General) Wallace, were drawn up in front of the State capitol to 
receive their national colors on the eve of their departure for the field of conflict f Those 
colors were received, and the entire regiment upon bended, knee ipiploring the divine pro- 
tection of Almighty God, vowed in His presence that they would defend that flag, and that 
in. every conjlict mth the enen\y they would remember, Baena Vista. Such has been the 
feeling and sentiment of all our Indiana soldiors; and knowing this, I would be derelict 
in my duty to that State and her brave soldiery did I not rise here and meet the issue 
which has been tendered by the votes of my Democratic colleagues since this discussion 
has commenced. , 

The position of my colleague from Terre Haute is well understood here, and by the 
country at large. Whatever other merit or demerit may be attached to his action here 
or elsewhere, in reference to this war and all the questions growing out of it,, he is at 
least entitled to the credit of consistency. On the 10th 3ay of April, 1S61, while the 
guns of an insurgent foe were preparing to open upon Fort Suinpter, and ihe eves of all 
American people were turned toward Major Andei eon and the soldiers under "him, my 
colleague attended a meeting of those who sympathize .with him at the village of o'reen- 
castle in our State. He addressed that meeting, as we were told by the published pro- 
ceedings, in a speech of " thrilli,ug,,eloquejUcei',', fof.an hourap^d a half That meeting 
adopted this resolution: . ^ v,,., ,,\ m ;.. juu n .,; .:: 

^'' ResoUed, That as citizens we shaiyfty Ihray^'tire^iireftHb d'^ftihd'tntffattd, or our sister States, from 
'foreign aggression or domestic violence; we acknowledge this tobea duty to theoAuseof weil-pe'o-ulated 
liberty, and claims of our country ; but we db-ny^lhe right of the General or State Government lo em- 
broil us or our fellow-citizens tn inte8ti'n'eW!ir''&ir4Wtfti'tf«l strife with the pertpte of the co-States of thi« 
Union ; and having time and again warned the members of the parly now in power of the fatal tendency 
*f their insane course, and implored them to abandon the stubborn and unwise, policy ot anti-ulavery 
agitation, we here take for our motto, ' Not One dollar and not one man from Indiana, with which to sub - 
jugfite the South and inaugurate civil war.'" 

Mr. Speaker, that may be regarded as the initial point in the course of my colleague in 
regard to the conduct of this war. And, sir, the records of Congress arid the records of 
the political canvasses in my own State, and the State of Ohio in the last canvass will 
bear me out when I say that he, at least, has been consistent in all his conduct, I'nblio 
and private, with the sentiments enunciated at that meeting. I do not desire to quarrel 
■with that gentleman. I know the issues that were made in my own State during the 
dark hours of 1862, when he and my other colleagues and myself were returned as meoi. 



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bers to this House. I know that in his own district that issue was not made, bnfc else- 
where throughout the entire length and breadth of the State of Indiana, the issue was 
made by theDemocratic party that they were in favor of a more vigorous prosecution of 
the war. Their position was that this Administration would never bring the war lo a 
close, because it did not prosecute it with sufficient vigor, with that vigor which would 
be the consequence of the success of the Democratic party. 

Now, then, upon the record which we all understand in Indiana, and which my Demo- 
cratic colleagues upon this floor will not controvert, J desii'e to meet them. The feeling 
in favor of a vigorous prosecution of the war was not then confined to what gentlemen 
are pleased to style the "black Republican party" in Indiana. It was a feeling which 
pervaded all class and all parties in that State. 

K^ow, sir, with that feeling animating the people of Indiana, we find in the canvass of 
1862 the people of that State sending seven Democratic members to this House and four 
Union men — seven and four, reversing the deleg;»tion as it then stood. Every one of these 
gentlemen, with the single exception of my colleague from the Terre Haute district, came 
here, sent by the Democratic party, pledged to a vigorous prosecution of the war then in 
progress. T/iey were in favor of a more vigorous prosecution of the war. That was the 
position assumed by the Democratic party in 1862, in a State which occupies the noble 
position of never having failed to respond to the calls of the Rresident on every occasion. 

Mr. SPALDING. With the consent of the gentleman from Indiana, who has the floor, 
I move that the House take a recess until seven o'clock this evening. 

At twenty minutes past five o'clock, p. m , the House took a recess until seven o'clock, 
p. m., 



EVENING SESSION. 

At seven o'clock, p. m., the House resumed its session. 

Mr. UKTH. Mr. Speaker, when the House took a recess this afternoon I had stated 
what the issue had been in Indiana during the campaign of 1862. Uporl that issue our 
people voted ; and the rtsult of'that election piaced in this Hall seven Democrats and four 
Union members. 

Now, then, on behalf of the loyal people of my State I claim the right to speak; nay, 
it becomes my duty to do so. 1 know something of the sacrificea^hey have made to sus- 
tain the Government, sacrifices equal at least to those of the loyarpeople of any State in 
the Union. In thought and prayer they have followed their soldiers whereever the exi- 
gency of war has sent them, whether to the Potomac, to the Mississippi, or the plains of 
Texas. In sickness or in health, wherever the hand of mercy or the voice of patriotism 
eould reach them, our loyal men and women spared no effort to reach the soldier. This 
devotion is due to those who have gone to the tented field to risk life and health that this 
nation may live. 

Remembering these things, 1 cannot do otherwise than Hft my voice against the scenes 
I have witnessed within the last forty-eight hours. My Democratic colleagues have 
taken it upon themselves to say that chey were the friends of the soldiers. They have 
told you time and again that they were in favor of increasing the pay of the common 
soldier. They have told you that their affection for the common soldier was so great 
that they were ready to pay him in gold and silver. These are the professions which they 
have made upon this floor. I am not here to impugn the motives of any man, and least 
of all those who are associated with me in daily official intercourse. But with facts I 
have a right to deal ; with facts it is my duty to deal. So long as these gentlemen were 
consistent in a manner with th<5ir professions I did not raise my voice against their action. 
I was willing that they should have the benefit of their professed affection for the 
soldier. 

1 come now to speak of the votes of my Democratic colleagues on the resolution pend- 
ing in this House on Saturday for the expulsion of the gentleman from Marj'land, [Mr. 
Harris,] a self-convicted sympathizer with rebellion, and to contrast such votes with the 
issue upon which they obtained their seats on this floor, and the professions of love for 
the soldier in which they are in the habit of indulging so freely. That gentleman, [Mr. 
Haskis,] with Satanic coolness, referring to our soldiers, said, in the presence of this 
House iiud of my colleagues, that — 

* " Your soldiers have gone South to conquer the southern people, but they have been welcomed with 
ftloody hands lo hospitable graves." 

Not only that; he told you he was a secessionist and in favor of acknowledging the 
nationality of the so-called southern confederacy. With the gentleman from Maryland, 
[Mr. Hakris,] 1 have no desire to quarrel, in passing 1 might probably say that if the 
hsoric Andrew Jackson occupied the White House today that gentleman, instead of being 
\n his seat tonight, would be in the Gld Capitol prison, where he deserves to be. [Ap- 
plause in the galleries.] 

Mr.HARRlNGTON. 1 move that the galleries be cleared on that side. 
f Mr.' ID'KTH, I think there is no necessity for it. 



.1^ Mr. HARRINGTON. I p.m not willing to sit here and be iaeulted by the galleries. 

Mr. NELSON. That raises but one question here, and that is whether the House has 
r^ a right to enforce its rules. ' 

s Mr. MORRILL. I trust the gentleman will not ask that the galleries be cleared until 
"^-y the Speaker shall have given those in the galleries the notice which was given to-day> 

^I presume there is a new audieace here this evening. 
*,-^ Mr. NELSON. It will be satisfactory to those upon this side of the House if the 
" Speaker will now give notice to the galleries tliat they will be cleared at the next dis- 
turbance. 

The SPEAKER pro tnnpore. The Chair will endeavor to enforce the rules. The rules 
of the House will require the Chair to order the galleries to be cleared if^ there are any 
further demonstrations of approval or disapproval. 

Mr. C. A. WHITE. I give notice now that I shall insist upon an enforcement of the 
rules upon the first infraction of them. 

Mr. OR,TH. The gentleman from Maryland declared boldly in his seat, in the hearing 
of the members of this House, that he was for peace, for recognition, and for secession. 
He declared further what was stated in the resolution, and which ought to have resulted 
in his expulsion, and which did result in a severe censure, and of a declaration upon the 
part of a large majority of this House that he was unworthy of being a member of this 
House. What is the language? I desire to call attention to it for the purpose of show- 
ing to this House, to my constituents, and to the State of Indiana the position which the 
Indiana delegation, on both sides of this Hall, occupy upon that resolution. The gentle- 
man from Maryland stated that — 

"The South asked you to let them live in peace ; but no, you said you would bring them into suhjeo- 
tion. That is not done yet. God Almighty grant it may never be. I hope you will never subjugate 
the South."' 

Fearlessly and traitorously upon this floor he implored high Heaven that we might 
not gain victories by the men we have sent to the field. Such is the language uttered 
in this Hall, and uttered by a man who is a declared secessionist. 

Mr. PRICE. I desire to make a suggestion to the gentleman from Indiana, which is, 
that it is written in the Good Book that the prayers of the wicked are an abomination 
in the sight of the Lord. 

Mr. ORTH. I thank the gentleman for the quotation; but it is not with the Scrip- 
tures but with the imprecations of the gentleman from Maryland that I have to do now 
—Maryland, that glorious State, who, by her noble vote within the last ten days, set her 
seal of condemation upon traitors, secessionists, and secession sympathizers, and de- 
clared that henceforth she will take her stand in favor of universal liberty. His lan- 
guage is treasonable in itself, calculated to distract the people of the North, to thwart 
them in the prosecution of the war, and to give aid and comfort to the rebels in arms, 
and to their confederates in the Richmond congress. 

I have no desire to be uncharitable to the gentleman from Maryland, and hence I will 
not adopt the suggestion of a friend near me that probably the only reason why the gen- 
tleman holds a seat in tliis Congress rather than in the congress at Richmond, is beeausfi 
greenbacks are better currency than confederate scrip. 

When that language was uttered it was promptly reduced to writing, and the gentle- 
man from Maryland was called to order. The gentlematf from Illinois, [Mr. Washburne,] 
as was his duty, offered a resolution of expulsion. That resolution was brought to a vote 
before the House, and among the yeas, among those from Indiana who were in favor of 
passing that resolution, those who were in favor of turning that traitor from out this 
Hall, were Mr. Dumont, Mr. Julian, and Mr. Orth. ' 

Mr. PENDLETON. I rise to a point of order. I understand the gentleman from In- 
diana to have applied to a member of this Hout;e the term "traitor." I have desired 
an opportunity during several occasions today lo make a point of order upon gentlemen 
who call epithets, and this is the first opportunity and fair occasion I have had for that 
purpose, i now call the gentleman to order, and ask the Speaker to decide if such epi- 
thets are in order. 

Mr. ORTII. Yes, sir; I acknowledge that I called the gentleman from Maryland [Mr. 
Harris] a traitor on the floor of the House. 

Mr. HARRIS, of Maryland. I say you are a liar ; and you are a coward if you do not 
resent that. 

Mr. PENDLETON. I desire that the words shall be taken down at the Clerk's desk. 

Mr. UPSON. I make the point of order that, under the rule, the gentleman must 
himself repeat the words to which he makes exception. 

Mr. PENDLETON. I will repeat them. I ask the Clerk to take down the word 
"traitor." 

Mr. KASSON. I call the attenlion of the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Pendleton] to a 
point of order involved in the proposition which was taken yesterday; that is, that ao- 
cordiiig to the rule no other person shall have spoken between the utterance of the words 
objected to and the demand to have the words reduced to writing. The geiitleman from 
Maryland [Mr. Harris] has spoken. 



Mr. PENDLETON. The gentleman from Maryland interrupted me, and was epeatiBg 
out of order. 

Mr. ORTH. Before action is takeu on the point of order, I ask for the reading of the 
resolution adopted on Saturda}'. 

Mr. PENDLETON. I object to any further debate until the point of order is decided. 

Mr. ORTIL I am not going to debate it, but I ask that the resolution of the House 
censuring the gentleman jrom Maryland may be read. 

Mr. HI6BY. I liope that the gentleman from Ohio will be allowed to take dowa the 
woids to wiiicli he takes exception. 

The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Clerk will read the words objected to. 

Mr. ORTH. I call for the reading of the resolution. 

Mr. PENDLETON. I object. I atk to have the words read that were taken down at 
my request. I object to anything intervening until the point of order is determined. 

The Clerk read as follows, from the remarks of Mr. Orth : 

"Among the yeas, those who were in favor of passnifr that resolution, those who were in favor of turn' 
Ing that traitor from out this Hall, were Mr. Dumont, Mr. Julian, and Mr. Oeth." 

Mr. PENDLETON. Now, Mr. Speaker, I make the point of order that these are not 
in order. 

Mr. ORTH. I ask for the reading of the resolution censuring the gentleman from Ma 
ryland. 

Mr. .'-CHENCK. I make the point of order that 

The SPEAKER ;jro tempore. Theie is a point of order already pending. 

Mr. PENDLETON. A |)oint of order cannot be made upon another point of order. 

Mr. SCHEiNCK. We have a right to know what is the character of this raau. [Calla 
to order Trom the Democratic side of the House.] '^ 

The SPEAKER pro tempore. There is a point of order already pending. 

Mr. SCHENCK. Precisely ; and we want the resolution referring to the member from 
Maryland read. [Loud calls to order.] That resolution shows [vociferous calls to order 
from the Democratic side of the Hall] what he is. 

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Does the gentleman from Ohio object to the reading of 
the resolution ? 

Mr. PENDLETON. I do, until the point of order is decided. 

The SPEAKER pro tempore. In view of the action of the House on Saturday, the 
Chair will overrule the point of order. [Applause and laughter from the Republican 
Bide of the House.} 

Mr. ORTH. Mr. Speaker, before alluding to the yeas and nays on this resolution, 
probably the gentleman from Maryland [Mr. Hakeis} thinks I ought to pay my respects 
to him for his attempted insult on this floor a few moments ago. I can only say that the 
foul slabberings of a self-convicted and self condemned sympathizer with treason fall 
harmless at my feet. 

Now, Mr. Speaker, I hold in mj- hand the resolution which my amiable friend from 
Ohio [Mr. Pendlkton] would not allow to be read, and which 1 shall read as part of 
my speech. He will hear it from me as he was not willing to hear it read from the 
Clerk's desk : 

" Whereas Hon. Benjamin G. Barkis, a member of the House of Representatives of the United States 
from the rtate of Maryland, has on this day used the following language, namely : 'The South asked you 
to let them live in peace. But no ; yo^ said you would bring thein into subjection. That is not done 
yet. And God Almighty grant that it never may be. I hope you will never subjugate the South.' And 
whereas such language is treasonable and grossly insulting to the House; therefore 

^'Biitrefiolved., That the said Bb.njamin G. Habeis be expelled from this House." 

I have already stated that on the adoption of this resolution the voice of Indiana was 
uttered herein the affirmative by Mr. Dumont, Mr. Julian, and Mr. Orth; my colleague, 
the honorable Speaker, being excused from voting by the rules of the House. You will 
thus perceive that our State, which has sent one hundred and thirty thousand men into 
this war, a State which is in mourning for the loss of ten thousand of her brave sons 
slaughtered by the rebels, a State which has been represented, and gallantly, heroically 
represented, on every battlefield in this accursed rebellion, has but three votes in favor 
of expelling the gentleman from Maryland [Mr. Harris] for the atrocious and treason- 
able language he uttered in the House. 

In the negative of the proposition, in favor of retaining this foul-mouthed sympathizer 
in his seat, where he insulta our soldiers, and votes, as he daily does, to en\barrass our 
e^'orts and to prolong the war, you will find the names of Mr. Cravens, Mr. Harrington, 
Mr. Law, Mr. McDowell, and Mr. Voorueiw. My colleague from the Fort Wayne dis- 
trict [Mr. Edgkrton] was confined to his room by sickness. It is not for me or for any 
one to suppose how he would have voted. Suffice it for me and for the people of In- 
diana to know that on the part of their Democratic Representatives upon this floor there 
is not patriotism enough to rid this House of the presence of such a man as that; men, 
too, who came here, as I have stated, on the direct issue that they were in favor of a 
more vigorous prosecution of the war than we were. Is this the love of my Democratic 
colleagues for the soldiers! Is this the manner in which they desire to vigorously pros- 
ecute this war when they suffered sreason to be avowed and to go unrebuked upon this 
floor? 



I am willing to accept this issue. I am willing to go to my State and to ask Ihe honest 
men there, without distinction of part}^ whether they are willing to sanction such eon- 
duct as this. If we are to sit here day after day, and hour after hour, to listen to trea- 
sonable utterances, then let us withdraw fron-i the tegted field the soldier who ha-< gone 
there that the nation may live. If we can say amen to a matj who calls upon God, hop- 
ing He may grant nothing but reverses to the Army, the sooner we bring that Army 
from the tented field the better for us. 

Sir, if my Democratic colleagues are correct, I have been in the wrong in calling upon 
my neigiibors and constituents to go to the battle-field. If they are right in sanctioning 
by their votes this impious language, then I. and those who act with me, have committed 
heinious crimes in sending our soldiers to the field and in aiding them to crush this re- 
bellion. 

I must be pardoned if I exhibit some earnestness on this occasion. I seldom pass along 
the streets of my own town that I do not meet the maimed and crippled soldier or the 
widows and orphans made so by this war. I have followed on more than one occasion 
my friends and neighbors to their last resting-place— men who had fallen in this war at 
the hands of traitors with whom the gentleman from Maryland [Mr. Harris] sympathizes; 
and who he prays to God may succeed in this rebellion. I have felt ever since this 
Congress met that there was less patriotism right here than in almost any other place 
throughout the length and breadth of the land. I have felt titne and again that we 
who are sent here "to represent the loyal and patriotic masses of the country, who 
are making sacrifices such as no people ever made before, are recreant to our duties 
in not crushing more speedily the traitorous utterances of rebel sympathizers in thia 
House. It is i)ecause we associate with members on the other side of the House who, 
with a few noble exceptions, are in sympathy with treason? I pray that the words 
of the poet may not prove true, that 

" Vice is a monster of so friglitful a mien, 
As, to be hated, needs but to be seen t 
But seen too oft, familiar witti her face, 
We first endure, then pity, then embrace.'' 
Is that our condition here? Is it because we have been compelled to associate in 
an ofticial capacity with men holding sentiments like those of the gentleman from 
Maryland and the gentleman from the s'-cond district of Ohio, whose case is now un- 
der consideration? We have lost in some way, I fear, the mesmeric influence of the 
people who sent us here and who are for the vigorous prosecution of the war and 
the overthrow of this rebellion. To the eternal disgrace and shame of the Thirty- 
Eighth Congress be it said that we failed to secure a two-thirds vote for the resolu- 
tio^n expelling a man who insulted this House, who insulted the soldiers, who insiilted 
the loyalty and patriotism of this land. After this failure to expel, my distinguished 
friend from Ohio [Mr, ScnNECK] submitted a resolution of censure in these words: 

" Hesohed. That Bbn.tamin Q. Hap.eis, a Representative from the fifth district ofthe State of Maryland 
having spoken words this dav in debate manifestly tending and designed to encourase the existing rebel- 
lion and the enemies of this Union, is declared to be an unworthy member of this House, and is hereby 
severely censured.'' 

This resolution was adopted by a vote of ninety two to nineteen, nearly five to o 
including every member present on this side of the House. 

By this vote the House have declared what they thought of the gentleman from 
Maryland, [Mr. Harris.] It was a solemn declaration of ninety two sworn members 
of the American Congress that the gentleman from Maryland, in Consequence of trea- 
sonable words spokeii here, words the effect and design of which were for the en- 
eouragement of the public enemy, is an unworthy member of this House. 

How stands the record of Indiana on this resolution? In the atfirrnative Messrs. 
DuMONT, Harrington, Holman, Julian, and Orth. Two of my Democratic colleagues 
voting with us [Mr. Harrington and Mr. Holman,] and declaring by their votes that 
this gentleman from Maryland, [Mr. Harris,] in consequence of his treasonable lan- 
guage, is "an unworthy "member of this House," yet both gentlemen voted that this 
"unworthy member should still retain his seat, to contaminate with his traitorous 
presence this Hall of American liberty 'i his action may be reconcilable ; if so, I 
doubt not that the loyal men of the third and fourth districts would be glad to see 
the process by which it can be reconciled. 

In the negative we find the names of Mr. Law and Mr. Voorhees ; the rest ofthe Dem- 
ocratic delegation from Indiana [Mr. Cravens and Mr. McDowell] having retired, for 
reasons best known to tltemselves. 

Here, then is the record made by the delegation from Indiana; and so far as lam 
concerned— and I think I speak for my colleagues upon this side of the House— we 
are ready, and our people are read}', to meet the issue which those gentlemen have 
tendered to us. If the people of Indiana desire that this war shall not be prosecuted 
any further, if they desire that the blessings of Heaven shall no longer rest upon our 
arms, if they desire that, in the language of the gentleman from Maryland, her sons shall be 
"welcomed with bloody hands to hospitable graves," why, in God's name, let the sons of 
Indiana be withdrawn from all along the lines of our armies which now stand as a wall 
of fire between yon and the rebel hordes. 



In the hurry of this debate I had almost forgotten to pay ray respects to the gentle- 
man from the Cincinnati district, [Mr. Pendleton.] who felt it his duty to come to the 
rescue of his friend from Marjland^[Mr. Harris.] and to call me to order for using the 
word "traitor" in speaking of his language on this floor. He exhibited a good deal of 
sensitiveness and not a little technicality. The honorable gentleman occupying the chair, 
[Mr. Rollins, of New Hampshire,] however, very promptly and very propei'ly decided 
that I had not violated the rules of the House. A solemn vote has affixed upon the gen- 
tleman [Mr. Harris.] the opinion of this House, that he had used words "manifestly tend- 
ing and designed to encourage the existing rebellion and thepublicenemiesof this nation." 
This amounts to treason, and in speaking of it I preferred to use the plain Anglo-Saxon 
■word " taitor." 

T am in the habit — it is probably a faultof mine — of calling things by their right namee. 
When I am dealirg with a man convicted of stealing. I call him a thief; and 1 prefer, when 
talking of a treasonable act, to call it treason. It may be a matter of bad taste, it may 
not suit the peculiar taste of the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. PekuletiNon,] but it suits 
me and I beheve it will suit my constituents. That gentleman [Mr. Pendleton] was a 
devoted follower oi the lamented Judge Douglas, and he must pardon me if in these dis- 
cussions I adopt the designation which that distinguished man himself used in the last 
speech of his life. Speaking of this rebellion. Judge Douglas said in his Chicago speech ; 

" Every man must be on the side of the United States or against it. There can be no neutrals in this 
war. There can be none but patriots or traitors." 

Hence, iu the language of Judge Douglas, the gentleman from Maryland [Mr. Harris] 
is either a patriot or a traitor. The gentlemam from Ohio [Mr. Pendleton] may regard 
him a patriot. I have already stated in which category I place him and all others who 
entertain his views. 

My colleague [Mr. Voorhees] has declaimed most eloquently in favor of free speech. 
To him and those with whom he sympathizes this is a somewhat recent zeal. When 
throughout the slaves States for years and years the gag was constantly applied to all 
who did not fall down and worship the god of slavery ; when northern men were mal- 
treated, impiisoned, murdered for the expression of their opinions throughout the slave 
regions of the country, his eloquent tongue was silent. When Sumner was murderously 
assaulted in the Senate Chamber for words spoken in debate, was any word of rebuke 
heard from that quarter? While Jeff Davis and his co-conspiritors are trampling under 
foot the right of free speech and free press it does not in the least disturb the equani- 
mit3' of gentlemen on the other side or call forth their indignant disapproval. I am for 
free spfceh, but when it degenerates into blatant treason I am for stopping it and will 
stop it whenever I have the power of doing it; nor will I heed the " constitutional" ap- 
peals of gentlemen, when thej' use " free speech " only for the purpose of destroying that 
Constitution. We are living in peculiar times, and are suri'ouiided bj' peculiar circum- 
stances. The enemy is within a few hours' march of this very capitol, the ground on 
which we stand is threatened by his inroads, and we are permitted to occupy our seats 
here simply because a cordon of loyal bayonets in the hands of a loyal and brave ntizen 
soldiery surrounds us. While these soldiers are abused and vilified by members on this 
floor I cannot consent that such abuse shall shield itself under the specious guise of free 
speech. 

A man is free to speak so long as he speaks /or the nation ; when he speaks against the 
nation he sliall not, with my consent, do so with impunity on this floor. 

Two large armies now confront each other in hostile array. One is marshaled under 
the time-honored flag of the Republic ; the other under the rattlesnake flag of secession 
and treason. If we cannot legislate here as men and as patriots ; if we cannot rise above 
the paltry bickerings of party ; if we cannot faithfully discharge the high and important 
trust committed to our hands in this most trying hour of our uaticm's history, in God's 
name let us adjourn ; let us go to the rt-spective camps of these two armies ; let each se- 
lect the flag which most nearly represents his views and feelings; enroll our names un- 
der the chieftain we most admire; and thus enrolled when the drumbeats "to arms," 
let hira say, 

" Lay on Macduff; 
And damned be him that first cries hold, enough! " 

How often have we been regaled with the false and unolushing assertions that this 
iean "abolition war;" that the men engaged in restoring the Government, in quelling 
treason, and in demanding the just punishment of traitors, are " black Republicans." 
These charges can have no other effect (they may be designed for this very purpose) 
than to create divisions in the North, to array men against each other on false issues 
who otherwise would stand together, shoulder to shoulder, as in the commencement of 
this war. We are told, and told almost daily, that the Constitution is violated and the 
dearest rights of the citizen trodden under foot by the " black Republicans,'" for the sole 
purpose of abolishing slavery ; and in this category truth compels me to assign to the 
gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Cox] a prominent, probably the most prominent, position. 
According to his logic, men are thrust into dungeons, into " American bastiles," for mere 
opinion's sake. If any error has been committed by the Administration in this matter, 
that error has been on the side of lenity ; for my opinion is, if ten of these persistent 



sympathizers with treasoli had been incarcerated where but one has received such atten- 
tions it would have been better for the country. 

The lamentations of the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Cox] over the case of his friend 
Vallandigham ure grievous in the extreme: like some one of old, he "refuses to be com- 
forted." It should be some consolation to him at least thatJiis friend Vallandigham in 
all his troubles was in the hands of old Democrats, Democrats of that good old school 
who lo/e their country too well to see it destroyed by traitors. Vallandigham was 
arrested by order of a De^nocrat, General Biirnside, a loyal son of Indiana. He was tried 
and convicted by a court-martial, almost every member of which was a Democrat and 
that trial and conviction was fully examinea, revised, and confirmed by a Democratic 
judge, one who received his appointment at the hands of Andrew Jackson, and who is a 
firm believer in the Jackson doctrine of dealing with traitors. While "waifiijg and 
watching over the border," he cannot say that his banishment is the work of aboli- 
tionists 

Mr. Speaker, you know, and the country knows, that old and true Democrats are 
found in every position, civil and military, battling for the country. We have them in 
the Cabinet, on the floors of Congress, at Che head of the Army, in the ranks of the sol- 
diers, in the walks of private life, giving their aid and their support to the Government. 
My friend from the Toledo district [Mr. Ashley] calls my attentian to the remark of 
the gentleman from New York, [Mr. Fernando Wood,] that thtre can be no such a 
person as "a war Democrat." I am aware that this remark was made to-day by the 
gentleman from New York, [Mr. Fernando Wood,] and I feel satisfied that theeountry 
will m.irk that extraordinary assertion. I know it to be untrue, and my colleagues on 
both sides of this Chamber will bear me witness that in Indiana hundreds and thousands 
of men who have been Democrats all their lives up to the firing of the first gun at Fort 
Sumter, are now unconditional supporters of the Government, and these men, had they 
been called upon to vote on the resolution for the expulsion of the gentleman from Ma- 
ayland. [Mr. Harris,] would have given an emphatic affirmative vote. Sir, I hold in my 
hand a copy of a memorial and resolutions adopted by the officers and soldiers in the 
Indiana regiments in the army of the Cumberland, and sent to our I^egislature during 
the session of 1863. I will read a portion of it : 
" To the General Assembly of the State of Indiana : 

'■The undersia;ne(l oflScers and soldiers of the Indiana volunteer regiments, submitting witli patriotic 
self-denial to the policy wliich denied us a voice in the late election, and approving the wisdom of that 
feature of our Government which secures the civil freedom from the influence of the military power, nev- 
ertheiess desire to participate in the preliminary councils which are to shape the popular ideas of the 
State, and C(m8equentty to control the actions of its Representatives in the General Assembly. We speak, 
as soldiers, because our lives are staked upon the issue of the present struggle; as citizens, because at 
no distant day those of us who survive are to share with you the responsibilities of citizenship, and to 
experience, in common with the people at home, the results of your present deliberations." * ♦ * 

" In conclusion, we propose the following resolutions to be adopted by the Legislature of Indiana, 
and to constitute the basis of all those acts bearing upon the interests involved in the foregoing 
address: 

"1. Resolved, That we are unconditionally and determinedly in favor of the Union. 

" 2. Resolved, That in order to the preservation of the Union we are in favor of a vigorous prosecution 
of the war. 

"3. Resolved, That we will sustain our State and Federal authorities, with money and supplies, in all 
their effort.* to sustain the Union and prosecute the war. 

"4. Reso/ved, That we will discontinue every faction and influence tending to create animosities at 
home or to atlord consolation and hope to our enemies in arms, and that we will co operate only with 
those who will stand by the Union and by those who are fighting the battles of the Union." 

Here is the voice of forty thousand of the brave son« of Indiana giving their opinion 
of this war. Hundreds of these men were always Democrats; and do you suppose that 
if the humblest of them had been occupying a seat on this floor last Saturda}' he would 
have been found voting with my Democratic colleagues to retain in his seat a man who 
boldly proclaimed that he hoped " God Almighty would never grant success to our 
soldiers!" 

But, sir, I have another document here signed by some of the most active and promi- 
nent Democrats of my State. My Democratic colleagues are familiar with the names of 
Hovey, Spiceley, McLean,^ McGinnis, and Slack, appended to this address. These are 
names that will live in history when the names of sympathizers with treason will be 
remembered only with scorn and detestation. 
To the Democracy of Indiana : 

The following stirring appeal has been addressed to the Democracy of Indiana by their companions in 
arms in Arkansas : 

Having a deep interest in the future glory and welfare of our country, and believing that we occupy a 
position in which we can see the effects of the political struggles at home upon the hopes and fears of the 
rebels, we deem it to be our duty to speak to you openly and plainly in regard to the same. 

The rebels of the South are leaning on the northern Democracy for support, and it is unquestionably 
true that unjustifiable opposition to the Administration is "giving aid and comfort to the enemy." While 
it is the duty of patriots to oppose the usurpation of power, it is alike their duty to avoid captions criti- 
cisms, that might create the very evils which they attempt to avoid. 

The name of />«»iO(,r^<, associated with all that is bright and glorious in the history of the past, is being 
sullied and disgraced by demagogues, who are appealing to the lowest prejudices and passions of our 
people. We have nothing to expect from the South, and nothing to hope, without their conquest. They 
are now using their money freely to subsidize the press and politicians of the North, and with what effect 
the tone of some of our journals and the speeches of our leaders too plainly and painfully testify. 

We see, with deep solicitude and regret, that there is an uaderourreat in Indiana tending toward a 



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coalition of Uie Northwest with the South against the eastern States. Be not deceived. Pause, for the 
love vou bear to your country, and reflect. This movement is only a rebel scheme in disguise, that would 
involve you aliUe with themselves, in the crime of rebellion, and bring to your own hearthstones the 
desol-ition o'f a French revolution. Separation on either side, with peace in the future, is impossible, and 
we are compelled by self interest, by every principle of honor, and every impulse of manhood, to bring 
this unholy contest to a successful termination. 

What! admit that we are whipped? That twenty-three million northern men .nre unequalto nine 
millions of the Houth V Hhame on the State that would entertain so disgraceful a proposition ! Shame 
UDon tlie Democrat who would submit to it, and raise his cowardly voice ftnd claim that he was an In- 
'dianian' He, and such dastards, with their oflfspring, are fit " mud-sills " upon which should be built 
the lordl'v strn'clure of their ooulhern asistocracy ! And with whom would this uaholy alliance be formed ? 
■With men who have forgotlon their fathers, their oaths, their country, and their God ; with guerrillas, 
cotton burners with those who force every male inhKbltantf)f the South capable of bearing arms in the 
field though starving wives and babes are left behind ! Men who persecute and hang, or drive from 
their linesT every man. woman ami child who will not fall down and worship the southern god. And yei 
free-born men of our State will sympathize with such tyrants, and dare even to dream of coalition ! In- 
diana's proud and loyal legions number at least seventy thousand effective men in the field, and, as with 
one great heart, we know they would repudiate all unholy combination tending to the dismemberment 
of.)ur Government. , , j .i. . . , ,. 

In this dark hour of our countrv's trial there is but one road to success and peace, and that is to be 
as firmly united for our Government as the rebels are against it. Small differences of opinion amount to 
nothin/iH this grand struggle for a nation's existence. Do not place even one straw in the way, and re- 
memlier that every woid j ou speak to encourage the South nerves the arm and strikes the blow which is 
aimed at the heart's blood of our brothers and ^ndred.^^^^ ^, ^^^^^^ ^^.^^^.^^ ^^^^^^^ 

Wll-LIAM T. HPIOELY, Col. S4th Indiana. 

WILLIAM E. McLK^N, tW. 4M. Indiana. 

GEOUGE F. MoGINNis, Col.lUMndiana. 

JA.\1ES R SLACK, Col. i7th Iivdiana. 
Hklhna, Akkansas, FebrtMry 2, 1863. 

But Mr. Speaker, my time is nearly exhausted, although the theme is inexhaustible. 
I shall vote ior the resolution introduced by my friend and colleague [Mr. Colfax] for 
the expulsion of the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. Long ] The country will not only sus- 
tain init thank him for this act. 1 shall vote for the resolution because I believe the 
times demand that this House shall take a bold and decided stand with reference to 
these treajoiiable utterances in this Hall. I shall vote for the resolution, beeause if un- 
rebuked it will lead to demoralization in our Army, to divisions, bloodshed, and riots 
all over 'the Itiud. 1 shall vote for the resolution because the member from Ohio [Mr, 
Long] has d.-'clarcd in favor of the recognition of the so-cailed confederacy, and hence is 
unworthy of a seat on this floor. The recognition of the confederacy is the destruction of 
the United Stales, aud by no vote, sentiment, or act of miue will this ever receive my 

We are told, Mr. Speaker, by these gentlemen, that they are for peace. So are we for 
peace. There' is not a man on this aide of the House, with whom I have the honor of 
aclin"' on this floor, who is not likewise in favor of peace, but not until the rebels yield 
obedience to our laws. I am in favor of peace, Mr. Speaker, but not until the last armed 
rebel bites the dust. I am in favor of peace, but not until the cause of this rebellion 
shall be utterly exterfninated, not until the last shackle shall fall from the limb of the 
last slave. I am iu favor of peace, but not until that starry flag of ours and this Consti- 
tuti>^ shall be acknowledged and obeyed over every inch of American soil. 



SPEECHES AND DOCUMENTS FOR DISTRIBUTION BY 
THE UNION CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE. 

Abraham Lincoln— " Slavery and its issues indicated by his Speeches, Letters, Messages, and ProcU 

"^o'n'lsaac N. Arnold— " Reconstruction ; Liberty the corner-stone and Lincoln the architect." M 

^*Hnn'' M*' Russell Tlirtver-" Keeonstruction of RebelStates." 16 pages; two dollars per hundred. 
Tl n lames K Wilson— "A Free t.;onstitution." 16 pages ; two dollars per hundred. 
TTnri' Godlove 8 Orlh— " The Expulsion «f Long." 8 pages ; one dollar per buudred. 
WoT^' H Winter Davis— "The Expulsion of Long." 8 pages; one dollar per hundred. 
Hon Henry O Deming—" State Renovation." 8 pages; one dollar per huod rod. 
H^n 1*im4 A QarHeid— ' iJonflscation of Kebel Property.' 8 pages; one dollar par hundred. 
Wnn William D Kellev— " Freedmen's Affairs." 8 pages ; one dollar per hundred. 
Hon Green Clay Smith—" Confiscation of Rebel Property." 8 pages : one dollar per hundred. 
Hon D W Gooch—' Secession and Reconstruction " 8 pages ; one dollar per hrddr^d. 
Tfr,r,' R C Schenck— " No Compromise with Treason " 8 pages; one dollar per hundred. 
H n Lvman Trumbull—" A Free Constitution." 8 pagf's; one d dlar per hundred 
Hon Oharle.'* Sumner— " Universal Emancipation, without Compensation" 16 pages; two dollars 

**^Hon"1ames Harlan-" Title to Property in Slaves," 8 pages ; one dollar per hundred. 

TTnn liiniel Olarli—' Amendment to iJoastilution " 8 pages ; one dollar per hundred. 

Hon John C Ten Eyck— " Reconstruction in the States." 8 pages one dollar per hundred. 

Hon Peverdv Johnson—" Amendment to the Constitution." 16 pages ; two dollars per hundred. 

Hon' j' D Defrees—" Thougtils for Honest Democrats." 

Rir ciraiihioal Sketch of Andrew Johnson, candidate for the Vice-Presidency. 16 pp. ; $2 per lOO. 

Hon J 1). Defrees.-" The War Commenced by the Rebels." 16 |.p. : $2 p*r lUO. 

•NTiimerous Sneeches and Documents not included in the foregoing will be published for distribution 
»mi persons willin" to trust the discretion of th« .lommitlee can remit their orders with the money, and 
have them filled with the utmost promptitude, and with the best judgment as to price and adaptation t9 
the locality where the speeches are to be sent. 



Jt^rinted by L. Towera for the Unioa CongressioHal Committe*. 



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